What about democratic etiquette?

If seventy per cent of the voters in a constituency are from backward classes, then it is democratic etiquette to field a candidate from a backward class. This etiquette seems to have long been forgotten by political fronts. Imagine the same parties ignoring a dominant community in seat distribution ahead of elections? If any party dares such a move, they are certain to face a wrath that will see to their collapse in the elections. All those touted ideologies will not stand any chance in such a situation.

The backward class leaders who blindly shout 'Zindabad' are yet to contemplate the twists and turns of power politics. They should at least open their eyes and see the realities. What's the point of saying that the majority in the state are from backward classes if they can't do anything to stop the neglect they face in power politics?

As the state heads towards the assembly elections, the current course of the seat-sharing talks suggests that the sick history of neglect will repeat. There are two reasons for this neglect.

One: Due to the pressure of power politics, people blindly trust leaders.

Two: Despite knowing that the leaders whom they trusted fail to keep their promise, people continue to uphold ideology without trying to organise, become stronger or resist.

It is not just social justice that is about to fall. Even the basic concepts of democracy are in danger. The voices that used to be raised for social justice were brave and rational. But in the last few years, the protests have become mere grumbling. This plight must change. The backward classes must at least realise and raise their voices again. The denial of justice should not be given a free run. The downfall of the Congress began when it started throwing the backward classes like curry leaves in the elections.

In the 1980s and 90s, when K. Karunakaran and A.K. Antony controlled the state Congress, and in the first decade of 2000, there were up to 26 MLAs and no less than five ministers from the Ezhava community in the assembly. Both the Dheevara and Vishwakarma communities had more than one member each. During the Oommen Chandy government that came to power in 2011, the number of Ezhava MLAs in the assembly was reduced to just three. In the subsequent assembly elections, the Congress gave the Ezhavas thirteen and fourteen seats respectively. Most of those were low-stakes seats! As a result, the Ezhava representation was reduced to one. The Vishwakarma and Dheevara representation was reduced to zero.

Although the condition of the backward classes is comparatively better in the LDF compared to the UDF, they do not get the representation they deserve. V.S. Achuthanandan and later Pinarayi Vijayan became Chief Ministers from the Ezhava community. However, KK. Shailaja, who was portrayed as the face of the CPM's first female Chief Minister, will have to try her luck in the Congress bastion of Peravoor, where the chances of winning are relatively low. This is a seat that KPCC President Sunny Joseph has won for the last three times. There is also a strong allegation that the CPM has made it a habit to field people from other communities in Ezhava-dominant constituencies.

Mere grumbling won’t bring social justice, and only a roar would befit a protest. Editor K Sukumaran was ruthless in his criticism of the attempt made by the first communist government of Kerala to impose economic reservation in the state instead of communal reservation under the guise of the Administrative Reforms Commission recommendation.

We need to recognise the hypocrisy and deceit in politics and respond loudly. Social justice is not a gift, and the backward classes should exercise their right to vote in the assembly elections this time. It is high time to teach a lesson to those who do not know democratic etiquette.