Lessons from defeat

If one asks why our party lost in the elections, the simplest answer remains the same as always: a large section of those who voted for us last time did not do so this time. The defeated parties and the front itself best understand the reasons for this shift. When in power, ruling parties often fail to realise how they drift away from the people. But for the public, this distance is clearly visible, like a gold chain lying at the bottom of clear water. This growing gap between the rulers and the ruled often leads to miscalculations and defeats in elections.

Anyone looking at the results of the 2025 local body elections so far can clearly see the setback suffered by the LDF. At the same time, the UDF’s strong comeback and the BJP’s rapid growth across Kerala, including its historic gains in the capital, are hard to ignore.

When analysing why the LDF lost the support it had received in local bodies in the previous two elections, the first issue that stands out is the Sabarimala gold theft case. Allegations that those entrusted with the administration of Sabarimala were involved in stealing gold from the temple and transporting it to another state are seen as unforgivable, not only by believers but even by non-believers in Kerala. Two former presidents of the Devaswom Board appointed by the LDF government were in jail at the time of this election. It would have been surprising if the local body polls had not resulted in a setback for the LDF under such circumstances. The arrests happened before the panchayat elections since the probe was conducted under the strict supervision of the High Court. The fact that people here still have the basic sense to understand this only adds to the strength of democracy. Therefore, no ordinary Malayali would view these arrests as a major achievement of the Home Department. At the same time, the party’s decision to protect former Devaswom Board president Padmakumar, saying he was only an accused and not even removing him from party committees, led to public resentment. This created a perception that the party was trying to shield the guilty and hide something, further damaging its image.

This cannot be described as an election driven purely by anti-incumbency sentiment. If that were the case, the LDF would not have managed to retain the position it has secured now. Generally, local issues, local influence, and the relationship of sitting representatives with the public play a major role in local body elections. This time, however, the Sabarimala issue overshadowed everything else for the LDF. In addition, controversies and criticism surrounding medical colleges and other healthcare centres, which affected ordinary people’s access to treatment, also pushed voters to think against the government. People have not forgotten the government’s failure to address even issues like the stray dog menace, which drew criticism from the Supreme Court. To claim, as the opposition does, that the LDF government has completely failed would be an exaggeration. This is a government that has implemented several development and welfare programmes. Therefore, predictions of a total “Waterloo” for the LDF in the ne

In cases related to violence against women, a democratic government must always stand with the survivors. However, in complaints involving individuals close to the ruling establishment, questions arose over whether the government sided with the accused. The differing approaches taken by the government in similar cases may also have contributed to the setback in this election.

A look at the numbers clearly shows that the UDF has achieved a decisive victory. The UDF won four of the six municipal corporations in the state, 54 of the 86 municipalities, 78 of the 143 block panchayats, and 504 of the 941 grama panchayats. These results leave little doubt that Kerala largely stood with the UDF in this election.

The most embarrassing setback for the CPM was the loss of the Thiruvananthapuram Corporation. Adding to this was the BJP’s remarkable achievement in winning the corporation for the first time in its history. By winning 50 seats, the BJP has ensured it will govern Thiruvananthapuram for the next five years. The defeat of Mayor Arya Rajendran was effectively acknowledged by the CPM at an early stage by keeping her away from the election campaign.

An audit by the Local Fund Audit Department under the Finance Department had earlier found that Thiruvananthapuram Corporation had wasted the highest amount of development funds. Leadership interference and errors in the selection of CPM councillors also played a role in sealing the party’s defeat.

This election has also confirmed that the BJP is the fastest-growing party in Kerala. It would not be surprising if more lotus symbols bloom in the next Assembly election. The NDA demonstrated its strength by winning two municipalities and 26 panchayats.

While the LDF, which ruled five corporations last time, managed to emerge as the largest party only in Kozhikode this time, it did not secure a clear majority there either. The UDF, which had won only Kannur in 2020, managed to regain Kochi and Thrissur with comfortable majorities. The UDF also staged a major upset in Kollam Corporation and increased its seat share in Thiruvananthapuram and Kozhikode.

The UDF’s most impressive gains were in the municipalities, winning 54 out of 86, while the LDF managed only 28. The NDA secured a majority in two municipalities. In block panchayats, the UDF won 78 seats compared to the LDF’s 67. In grama panchayats, the UDF won 504, the LDF 342, the NDA 26, and others six.

As the alliance moves forward from this victory, the UDF must remain cautious. The LDF has the most to correct and rethink. For the BJP, careful and steady steps could open up entirely new political possibilities.